[CTC] 1st anniversary of Korea FTA: U.S. exports down, deficit balloons
Arthur Stamoulis
arthur at citizenstrade.org
Sat Mar 16 11:24:17 PDT 2013
http://www.fpif.org/articles/nafta_at_20_the_new_spin
NAFTA at 20: The New Spin
By Manuel Perez-Rocha and Javier Rojo, March 14, 2013
Only a few years ago, analysts were warning that Mexico was at risk of
becoming a “failed state.” These days, the Mexican government appears
to be doing a much better PR job.
Despite the devastating and ongoing drug war, the story now goes that
Mexico is poised to become a “middle-class” society. As establishment
apostle Thomas Friedman put it in theNew York Times, Mexico is now one
of “the more dominant economic powers in the 21st century.”
But this spin is based on superficial assumptions. The small signs of
economic recovery in Mexico are grounded largely on the return of
maquiladora factories from China, where wages have been increasing as
Mexican wages have stagnated. Under-cutting China on labor costs is
hardly something to celebrate. This trend is nothing but the return of
the same “free-trade” model that has failed the Mexican people for 20
years.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which was ratified in
1993 and went into effect in 1994, was touted as the cure for Mexico’s
economic “backwardness.” Promoters argued that the trilateral trade
agreement would dig Mexico out of its economic rut and modernize it
along the lines of its mighty neighbor, the United States.
The story went like this:
NAFTA was going to bring new U.S. technology and capital to complement
Mexico’s surplus labor. This in turn would lead Mexico to
industrialize and increase productivity, thereby making the country
more competitive abroad. The spike in productivity and competiveness
would automatically cause wages in Mexico to increase. The higher
wages would expand economic opportunities in Mexico, slowing migration
to the United States.
In the words of the former President Bill Clinton, NAFTA was going to
“promote more growth, more equality and better preservation of the
environment and a greater possibility of world peace.” Mexico’s
president at the time, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, echoed Clinton’s
sentiments during a commencement address at MIT: “NAFTA is a job-
creating agreement," he said. "It is an environment improvement
agreement.” More importantly, Salinas boasted, “it is a wage-
increasing agreement.”
As the 20th anniversary of NAFTA approaches, however, the verdict is
indisputable: NAFTA failed to spur meaningful and inclusive economic
growth in Mexico, pull Mexicans out of unemployment and
underemployment, or reduce poverty. By all accounts, it has done just
the opposite.
The Verdict Is In
Official statistics show that from 2006 to 2010, more than 12 million
people joined the ranks of the impoverished in Mexico, causing the
poverty level to jump to 51.3 percent of the population. According to
the United Nations, in the past decade Mexico saw the slowest
reduction in poverty in all of Latin America.
Rampant poverty in Mexico is a product of IMF and World Bank-led
neoliberal policies—such as anti-inflationary policies that have kept
wages stagnant—of which “free-trade” pacts like NAFTA are part and
parcel. Another factor is the systematic failure to create good jobs
in the formal sectors of the economy. During Felipe Calderon’s
presidency, the share of the Mexican labor force relying on informal
work—such as selling chewing gum and other low-cost products on the
street—grew to nearly 50 percent.
Even the wages in the manufacturing sector, which NAFTA cheerleaders
argued would benefit the most from trade liberalization, have remained
extremely low. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Mexican
manufacturing workers made an average hourly wage of only $4.53 in
2011, compared to $26.87 for their U.S. counterparts. Between 1997 and
2011, the U.S.-Mexico manufacturing wage gap narrowed only slightly,
with Mexican wages rising from 13 to 17 percent of the level earned by
American workers. In Brazil, by contrast, manufacturing wages are
almost double Mexico’s, and in Argentina almost triple.
Mexico’s stagnant wages are celebrated by free traders as an
opportunity for U.S. businesses interested in outsourcing. According
to one report by the McKinsey management consulting firm, “for a
company motivated primarily by cost, Mexico holds the most attractive
position among the Latin American countries we studied. … Mexico’s
advantages start with low labor costs.”
But even as the damning evidence against NAFTA continues to roll in,
entrenched advocates of the trade agreement have been busy crafting
new arguments. In his recent book, Mexico: A Middle Class Society,
NAFTA negotiator Luis De la Calle and his co-author argue that the
trade agreement has given rise to a growing Mexican middle class by
providing consumers with higher quality, U.S- made goods. The authors
proclaim that “NAFTA has dramatically reduced the costs of goods for
Mexican families at the same time that the quality and variety of
goods and services in the country grew.”
Most of the economic indicators included in the book conveniently fail
to account for the 2008-2009 financial crisis, which hit Mexico worse
than almost any other Latin American country. The result has been
skyrocketing inequality. As theGuardian reported last December, “ever
more Mexican families have acquired the trappings of middle-class life
such as cars, fridges, and washing machines, but about half of the
population still lives in poverty.”
The indicators of consumption that suggest the rise of Mexico’s middle
class also exclude the dramatic increase in food prices in recent
years, which has condemned millions of Mexicans to hunger. Twenty-
eight million Mexicans are facing “food poverty,” meaning they lack
access to sufficient nutritious food. According to official
statistics, more than 50,000 people died of malnutrition between 2006
and 2011. That’s almost as many as have died in Calderon’s war on drugs.
The food crisis has coincided with the “Walmartization” of the
country. In 1994there were only 14 Walmart retail stores in all of
Mexico. Now there are more than 1,724 retail and wholesale stores.
This is almost half the number of U.S. Walmarts, and far more than any
other country outside the United States. The proliferation of Walmart
and other U.S. big-box stores in Mexico since NAFTA came into effect
has ushered in a new era of consumerism—in part through an aggressive
expansionbuilt on political bribes and the destruction of ancient
Aztec ruins.
The arguments developed prior to the signing of NAFTA focused
primarily on the claim that the trade agreement would make Mexico a
nation of producers and exporters. These initial promises failed to
deliver. Throughout the NAFTA years, the bulk of Mexico’s
manufacturing “exports” have come from transnational car and
technology companies. Not surprisingly, Mexico’s intra-industry trade
with the United Sates is the highest of any Latin American country.
Yet the percentage of Mexican companies that are actually exporters is
vanishingly small, and imports of food into Mexico have surged.
Same Snake Oil, Different Pitch
Because their initial promises utterly failed to deliver, the NAFTA
pushers are now hyping “consumer benefits” to justify new trade
agreements, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership. One of the most
extreme examples of this spin is an article inThe Washington Post that
celebrates a “growing middle class” in Mexico that is “buying more
U.S. goods than ever, while turning Mexico into a more democratic,
dynamic and prosperous American ally.” Devoid of all logic, it goes on
to say that “Mexico's growth as a manufacturing hub is boosted by low
wages.” How can low wages make people more prosperous?
The Post also boasts that in “Mexico’s Costco stores, staples such as
tortilla chips and chipotle salsa are trucked in from factories in
California and Texas that produce for both sides of the border.” Is
this something to celebrate? The influx of traditional Mexican food
staples, starting with maize, and goods from the United States has
displaced and dislocated millions of Mexican small-scale farmers,
producers, and small businesses. And not only that, Mexicans’
increasing consumption of processed foods and beverages from the
United States has made the country the second-most obese in the world.
In essence, NAFTA advocates have been reduced to saying: “so maybe
NAFTA didn’t help Mexico reduce poverty or increase wages. But hey! At
least it gave it Walmart, Costcos, and sweat shops.”
The bankruptcy of NAFTA’s promises is only compounded by the poverty
of this consolation.
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