[CTC] Last Call: Request for organizational endorsement against Global "Digital Trade" Rules...

Deborah James djames at cepr.net
Wed Mar 27 02:15:50 PDT 2019


For anyone interested in a cutting-edge trade issue that will have a massive impact on jobs and shared prosperity and democracy, and is not NAFTA, check this out..

 

THANKS to the now 230 organizations which have already endorsed! It would be great to have more large US organizations represented! ☺ PLEASE check out this urgent action and endorse through the form. FINAL DEADLINE IS MARCH 29th, COB.  More info in the attachment & below! I will send a final version on Monday to all endorsers and to WTO negotiators in Geneva. 

 

Urgent: Request for organizational endorsement    *   Spanish below  *  Français ci-dessous 

 

Dear all, 

 

We are facing an unprecedented fight in the struggle against inequality and corporate globalization: the urgent need to stop the launch of talks for a WTO 2.0! 

 

U.S.-based Big Tech are now the largest corporations in the world. Their increasing power over our communications, information, media, elections, commerce, transportation, education, agriculture, and more – basically all aspects of our jobs, livelihoods and economies – is becoming more obvious by the day. Now they are using their monopoly profits to try to fundamentally transform the rules of the global economy, to fully liberalize every aspect of the economy, all of which will have a digital aspect in the future. Their goal is to gain new rights to operate in markets across the globe, while handcuffing public interest oversight and regulation; maintaining their monopoly powers and control over data; accessing an unlimited supply of labor stripped of its rights; and non-payment of taxes. They are disguising these efforts as promoting “e-commerce for development” but the proposals would go far beyond “e-commerce” and are antithetical to any future development or shared prosperity for workers and consumers around the world. 

 

On January 25, 2019, at the World Economic Forum, they announced the intention to start negotiations on “e-commerce” in the World Trade Organization! 

 

These proposed negotiations must be stopped. We urge your organizational endorsement of the attached statement, by March 27, 2019 at the latest. We will send the letter to governments, media and the public on April 1 when a big conference on e-commerce will take place in Geneva. 

 

PLEASE register your organization’s support by endorsing the statement here: https://form.jotform.com/90508616440151 by March 27th 29th. 

 

Thank you and thank you for your efforts for a just, sustainable and democratic global economy!

 

Best wishes, 

Deborah James

Our World Is Not for Sale (OWINFS) global network

Short background: In July 2016, at the request of the Big Tech industry, the United States tabled a proposal for disciplines on digital trade (also called e-commerce) in the World Trade Organization (WTO). Since then, dozens have proposals have circulated. The existing mandate within the WTO is to have discussions on e-commerce, but not to have negotiations on binding rules. At the same time, there is a mandate since the launch of the Doha Round in 2001 to reduce WTO constraints to development policy space in developing countries, but developed country members have refused to agree to the necessary changes. 

Nevertheless in 2017, the goal of developed countries launch new negotiations on digital trade in the WTO. They are trying sell these new talks by portraying e-commerce as good for development, women, and micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs). However, by this time, many African officials had come to the understanding that the proposals went far beyond “e-commerce” and were really intending a full and complete liberalization of all aspects of the future digital economy. 

OWINFS members have argued that, among other fundamental problems:

·       This new agenda would permanently consolidate the first-mover status and monopoly control of high tech firms, particularly through the control of data; 

·       It would also foreclose the development policy space for countries to develop their own digital industrialization;

·       Proposed disciplines in the WTO would give multinationals market access rights while limiting the role of the state in regulation;

 
Strong consumer protections, privacy, and rights would be jeopardized by “e-commerce” rules;
 
Digital policies must promote decent jobs for shared prosperity, but instead the proposed digital rules would greatly reduce workers’ power;
·       The proposals would consolidate their business model of deregulation, non-payment of taxes, exploitation of cheap labor, and now control of data, while they gain new “rights” to operate for profit in markets.

With tremendous support from civil society, developing countries, led by the Africa Group, refused this bait-and-switch, and refused to agree to new talks in the WTO on e-commerce (now called “digital trade”) at the December 2017 WTO Ministerial meeting in Buenos Aires, Argentina. 

The e-commerce agenda is still in the form of discussions, not negotiations, in the WTO. 

But Big Tech and its advocates in the WTO are still pushing for this anti-development agenda with the goal of wearing down the resistance and gaining agreement to be accepted at the next Ministerial, which will take place in Kazakhstan in 2020.  

At the World Economic Forum in Davos on January 25, 2019, proponents announced their intention to commence negotiations.

Extensive research by civil society experts is available on www.ourworldisnotforsale.net. 

 

 

April 1, 2019

 

Dear WTO Members, 

 

Technology can stimulate development and help build sustainable livelihoods, but the right policies are essential to ensure that countries, workers and consumers everywhere can benefit. But some countries have declared their intent to rewrite the rules of the global economy, to give giant technology corporations, the largest companies in the world, new “rights” to profit – while limiting public interest oversight and benefits from the new economy for everyone else – by commencing new negotiations on “e-commerce” in the WTO. The rules proposed by Big Tech transnational corporations (TNCs) go far beyond “e-commerce” and have implications for all aspects of domestic as well as the global economy, even for countries not participating.

 

We are writing to express our profound and urgent opposition to these proposed negotiations which, if concluded, could result in the full liberalization of the entire (digital) economy, and thus represent back door attempt to achieve a “WTO 2.0”. While the rhetoric surrounding “e-commerce” highlights the opportunities for developing country entrepreneurs, having binding rules on the still-emerging digital economy would severely constrain the ability of countries to develop their economies in the future. It would accelerate the global disadvantaging of workers and small enterprises in all countries vis-à-vis large corporations that characterizes the current global economy. It would enable Big Tech to consolidate its exploitative business model, including gaining rights to access markets globally; extracting and controlling personal, social, and business data around the world; locking-in deregulation and evading future regulation; accessing an unlimited supply of labor stripped of its rights; expanding its power through monopolies; and evading the payment of taxes. The proposed rules thus represent a grave threat to development, human rights, labor, and shared prosperity around the world, and are the opposite of the policies needed to rein in the power of Big Tech.

 

1. We need appropriate democratic governance, not unlimited power over data by Big Tech. 

 

Democracy and sustainable development depend on the free flow of information, and we strongly believe in freedom of expression. But this is different from unregulated collection of, and cross border transfer of, data by TNCs. Big Tech’s surveillance capitalism is harming democratic functioning in our media, knowledge, culture, transportation, agricultural, judicial, commercial, health, and other sectors, and damaging our democratic processes. Public debates increasingly focus on the need to reduce the power of Big Tech through stronger regulations on the national and international level, but proposed e-commerce rules – including their top goal of unrestricted “free flow of data”– could pre-empt such efforts in the appropriate agencies.

 

2. Public interest data policies are essential for economic development and prosperity in all countries.

 

At this point, most countries (and most people) don’t properly grasp the value of data, the most valuable resource, so governments are too easily allowing it to be collected indiscriminately and transferred outside their countries by TNCs. Just as in previous centuries, when developing countries lost control of the capacity to properly take advantage of the wealth-creating potential of commodities, there is a danger of repeating those same mistakes now with data, leading to digital colonialism and the exacerbation of the serious problem of increasing inequality around the world. All countries, and especially developing countries, need to harness the value of data for domestic entrepreneurs, but also for community economic development in the public interest. Thus, they must maintain the policy space to tailor policies on governance of data, including potentially maintaining data locally or regionally when that might be in the national or community interest. Proposals in the WTO to give Big Tech the right to unregulated cross-border data transfers, to ban countries from being able to require domestic data storage, or to use local servers would severely constrain the ability of developing countries – and all who are not Big Tech – to ensure that their citizens benefit from digitalization. 

 

3. Strong consumer protections, privacy, and rights would be jeopardized by “e-commerce” rules. 

 

Strong policies for digital user protection are needed, including around matters of privacy and data protection. Citizens have rights to privacy and consumers have rights to have our data protected and not abused by giant TNCs for private profit, or by governments against our human rights in the digital space. The proposed WTO rules would give corporations unlimited rights to transfer data to whatever jurisdiction they please and would privilege commercial rights over consumer protections and citizens’ privacy rights in ways that cannot be fixed by rules in the WTO itself. Human, labor, consumer, economic, and civil rights must apply equally in the digital sphere without being constrained as “barriers to trade”. As companies increasingly use artificial intelligence (AI) such as in hiring and firing, and governments increasingly use it in functions such as judicial sentencing, we also need strong algorithmic accountability frameworks to ameliorate gender and racial discrimination and bias, not restrictions on access to source code and algorithms as in the proposed rules.

 

4. Digital policies must promote decent jobs for shared prosperity, not reduce workers’ power.

 

Inclusive digital industrialization for shared prosperity must focus on decent job and livelihood creation and associated social and economic rights. UNCTAD’s Trade and Development Report has shown that workers are losing their share of global production vis-à-vis capital, partially because capital has used its surplus wealth to rewrite the rules to allow it to extract increasing profits. Automation and trade policies have weakened workers’ bargaining power, and the proposed “e-commerce” rules would further erode workers’ rights and power vis-à-vis giant digital corporations and lead to increasing inequality and precariousness in many sectors. As more women enter the digital economy, we object to how “gender” and “women’s economic empowerment” are being used in the WTO to push anti-development policies which will reduce power of women workers. New rules that reinforce structural inequalities between and within countries will not be acceptable just because of a gender or labor clause. The most important strategy to ensure widespread and inclusive benefits from digitalization is a commitment to job creation towards full employment, focused on equity, including strong labor rights and decent work and working conditions for all workers; gender equality; workers’ data rights; and comprehensive and portable social protection including for platform workers. 

 

5. Anti-monopoly regulations and actions are urgently needed, in jurisdictions outside of the WTO. 

 

Nearly all digital trade is dominated by a few global players from the United States and China in ways that are not simply disrupting and re-organizing economic activity but leading to digital domination. An ever-larger source of Big Tech’s profit-making is derived from buying competitors and avoiding regulation. In addition to creating new and strengthening existing anti-monopoly regulations, governments must consider breaking up companies engaged in harmful monopoly practices. Until this occurs, it would be foolish to tip the scale in favor of the technology monopolists’ power even further by agreeing to their proposals in the WTO.

 

6. Digital liberalization would decimate development and increase poverty in developing countries. 

 

In order to trade, developing countries have to produce and increase the value captured from production. If digital trade is expanded without first improving productive capacities in developing countries, as well as closing the digital divide through improvements in physical infrastructure and interconnectivity, and adopting enforceable norms for privacy, data protection, and economic data rights, developing countries will simply be opening their economies even further to foreign imports. Linking into e-commerce platforms will not automatically increase exports but can lead to further erosion of domestic market shares. Thus, liberalization in the digital sphere, without the required domestic investments to improve productive capacities, will destroy jobs and further informalize them, decimate micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), and severely constrain future development. These threats to economic sovereignty and future development prospects from premature digital liberalization would be greatly amplified if the rapidly evolving digital economic space is governed by rules that were developed by TNCs for their own profit-making around the world. 

 

7. Digital Industrialization is urgently needed to foster development and MSMEs.

 

Instead of digital liberalization, what is needed around the world is a development-focused digital industrialization strategy. In Africa, this is reflected in the Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want vision. Digital industrialization indicates the need for investment in countries’ technical, legal and economic infrastructure and policies to develop and support domestic digital businesses and platforms and build capacities to use domestic data in the public interest; to strategically promote domestic MSMEs including through technology transfer and national data use frameworks; to ensure universal benefits of the digital economy through full employment policies; to ensure proper taxation and investments to close the digital divide; to advance consumer welfare and privacy through enforceable consumer protection measures; to ensure public interest regulation of the digital economy and sound competition practices; and more. Specific policies are required to protect the small actors, traders, farmers, small service providers, workers, etcetera that are threatened by new globally organized digital models. Much of this can be accomplished through domestic policies that should be developed with appropriate stakeholder input, as well as through regional integration. But “e-commerce” rules in the WTO are intended to specifically restrict the ability of countries to implement most such policies.

 

8. Fairer taxation would be severely constrained by proposed e-commerce rules in the WTO. 

 

“E-commerce” proposals in the WTO include at least five mechanisms to limit tax liabilities for Big Tech, not just by prohibiting appropriate taxation but also by banning requirements that companies have a local presence in countries where they operate. But giant technology companies should contribute to the national tax base, just as do local or non-digital companies. Digital players are taking advantage of the mobility and intangibility of digital goods and services to avoid tax and create an uneven playing field. Tax rules that allow digital TNCs to artificially reduce taxable income or shift profits to low-tax jurisdictions in which little or no economic activity is performed should be tackled and must not be codified by digital trade rules. Appropriate taxation is essential for investments in development-focused infrastructure and good quality and accessible public services, including social infrastructure that can reduce unpaid and poorly paid care work in the home mostly carried by women. This is all the more important given that the build-up of debt (both public and corporate) in recent years is once again raising concerns about its sustainability. Developing countries will not be able to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) without expanding fiscal supports to achieve quality accessible public services in education, health, social care, access to water, electricity, and more.

 

9. We need policies to promote innovation, small businesses, and security, not more patent monopolies. 

 

UNCTAD has highlighted that all countries which successfully industrialized used infant industry protections. Since developing countries, and particularly Least Developed Countries (LDCs), still need to industrialize, they need to be able to use protections for nascent industries, including through active policies of technology transfer. The international system of rules governing patents and copyrights have resulted in an incalculable transfer of wealth from the global South and consumers everywhere to a tiny set of hyper-protected patent- and copyright-holding TNCs in a few countries. Extreme protections for “intellectual property” (IP) stifle innovation, reduce freedom and creativity, promote monopolies, and facilitate tax avoidance. They also reduce our security against hacking, as source codes and algorithms treated as trade secrets could evade regulatory oversight. Proposals in the WTO under the name of “e-commerce” would further entrench systems of IP maximalism and should be rejected, especially for LDCs that are not required to implement them. Instead, we need proven policies that promote innovation, unconstrained by anti-development extreme IP monopolies. 

 

10. Countries need policy space; the e-commerce agenda is promoting harmful total liberalization. 

 

“E-commerce” is being used as a Trojan horse for other proposals that would expand liberalization including the removal of tariffs (on information technology products); liberalization of various services; and allowing foreign companies to compete for government procurement contracts of all ministries. They are proposed to apply even to LDCs who do not have to liberalize goods or services in the Doha Round. These proposals include issues which developing countries successfully stopped from being negotiated in the Doha Round. “E-commerce” should not function as a back door for anti-development rules that have already been rejected.

 

11. We need a new agenda for digital economic policies, and for the global economy. 

 

Developing countries must develop their own agenda for digital industrialization. They must not advance the “e-commerce rules” that were developed by TNCs like Amazon, Google, Facebook, and Alibaba in their own interests. Other models can more equitably distribute the benefits of the digital economy while reinforcing human rights. All countries likewise urgently need policies to constrain the behavior of these corporate behemoths, not to further entrench their outsized monopoly power. A pro-development outcome cannot be achieved in e-commerce talks because the rules and policies needed for digital industrialization are the opposite of WTO rules, which give companies rights while constraining the role of the state in regulating.

 

Civil society has argued that the global trade system must provide countries sufficient policy space to pursue a positive agenda for development and job-creation, and must facilitate, rather than hinder, global efforts to ensure food sovereignty and true food security, sustainable development, access to affordable medicines, and global financial stability. It must privilege global agreements on human rights, the environment, and SDGs over corporate profit. This pro-development agenda is being shoved aside in the WTO in favor of Big Tech’s interests through the “e-commerce” talks. We thus urge WTO members to abandon their push for digital trade negotiations in the WTO and focus urgently on transforming global trade rules for shared prosperity for all.

 

Sincerely, (endorsers as of March 26, 2019): 

 

International and Regional Organizations

 

 

1Africa Development Interchange Network (ADIN)ADIN is Member of the African CSO Working Group on Sustainable Development, leading on FfD and Resources mobilization. We engage with African institutions to ensure that Africa meets its development agenda and carry the voices of the African grassroots in global spaces.
2Agencia internacional de noticias PressenzaAgencia de noticias con enfoque de Paz y NoViolencia
3Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND)ANND is a regional network, working in 12 Arab countries with nine national networks (with an extended membership of 250 CSOs from different backgrounds) and 23 NGO members, strengthening the role of civil society, enhancing the values of democracy, respect of human rights and sustainable development in the region.
4Asia Pacific Research NetworkAPRN was established to develop cooperation among alternative research centres of non-government organizations (NGOs) and social movements that work on current development issues affecting the people across the region. 
5Asian Peoples Movement on Debt and DevelopmentAlliance of 55 movements and peooles organizations in 12 countries in Asia.
6AWIDAWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights
7Basderm AfricaBASDERM AFRICA Limited is an African-based technology consultancy firm founded in 2016 but registered in 2018. We pride ourselves in being the industry leading partners in leveraging on information technology to solve the African problem. 
8Building Eastern Africa Community NetworkBEACON is a network of churches, church organizations and NGOs in Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, South Sudan and Kenya to promote the rights of small holder farmers in agriculture policies and trade. 
9CEBsCEBS: Comunidad Eclesial de Base.
10Civil Society Coalition on Sustainable DevelopmentCSCSD is a coalition of over 1000 registered civil society and nongovernmental organizations committed to citizens' empowerment, human rights protection, development and peace.
11Colectivo Voces Ecológicas COVECCOVEC es una organización ecológica política cuyo objetivo es promover la defensa de los derechos socioambientales de las comunidades. A través de la Educación Popular y la Comunicación Alternativa bajo el concepto de la Ecología Política.
12Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN)DAWN is a network of feminist scholars, researches and activists from the economic South working for gender, economic, and ecological justice, and sustainable and democratic development.
13DigitalSENSE Africa MediaDigitalSENSE Africa Media is an international organization based in Nigeria (Africa), an ICANN certified At Large Structure and organisers of Internet Governance for Development ((IG4) since 2009. We are affiliated to the African Civil Society on the Information Society.
14East Africa Trade Union ConfederationEATUC is a sub regional trade union that bring together over 3.5 Million workers from the East Africa Community.
15Education InternationalEducation International (EI) is the global union federation of teachers and other education employees, representing 32 million workers in education institutions through some 400 affiliated trade unions and professional associations in 170 countries and territories. 
16EstoiFundación Procrear   - Regional  hacemos parte de la RED RAISSS  Latinoamenrica
17ETC GroupETC Group works to address the socioeconomic and ecological issues surrounding new technologies that could have an impact on the world’s poorest and most vulnerable people. 
18European Federation of Public Service Unions (EPSU)EPSU represents 8 million public service workers in central and local governments, health and social services and utilities across Europe. EPSU is a member of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) and the European regional organisation of Public Services International (PSI).
19Focus on the Global SouthPolicy research and campaign organization fighting corporate globalization
20Global Policy ForumGlobal Policy Forum is an independent policy watchdog that monitors the work of the United Nations and scrutinizes global policymaking. We promote accountability and citizen participation in decisions on peace and security, social justice, sustainable development and international law.
21Habitat International Coalition (HIC)The Habitat International Coalition (HIC) is the global network for rights related to habitat, made up of more than 350 member organisations around the world so that everybody has a safe place to live in peace and with dignity both in the countryside and in the city.
22Housing and Land Rights NetworkHLRN supports and develops civil society capacity and knowledge for programs promoting practical implementation of the human rights to adequate housing and land, especially in cooperation with Habitat International Coalition.
23IBON InternationalIBON International is a service institution with an international character and scope of work. In our advocacy, we cooperate mainly with social movements and civil society constituencies in all regions of the world, especially in the global South and among marginalised groups. 
24Internacional de Servicios Publicos - ISP AmericasLa Internacional de Servicios Publicos en Americas esta presente en 33 paises y representa 6 millones de trabajadores en el sector publico.
25International Grail Justice in Trade Agreements NetworkThe Grail is an International women's movement grounded in Christian faith currently in 18 countries in all six continents,  The Grail seeks to advance the development of women's potential to contribute towards a world of justice, love, peace and  care for the whole of creation.
26International Trade Union ConfederationThe ITUC’s primary mission is the promotion and defence of workers’ rights and interests, through international cooperation between trade unions, global campaigning and advocacy within the major global institutions.
27International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF)The International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) is a democratic, affiliate led federation recognised as the world’s leading transport authority. We fight passionately to improve working lives of over 18 million members working men and women across the world, connecting trade unions from 147 countries.
28International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers' Associations (IUF)The IUF is an international federation of trade unions composed of 421 affiliated trade unions in 128 countries representing over 10 million workers.
29ISP. Sector Administración Central de LatinoaméricaReúne a los sindicatos de la administración pública nacional de Latinoamérica afiliados a la ISP (Internacional de Servicios Públicos)
30Just Net CoalitionJust Net Coalition (https://justnetcoalition.org/ ) is a global network of civil society actors committed to an open, free, just and equitable Internet.
31LDC WatchLDC Watch is a global platform of LDC csos to advocate, campaign and alliance building for the rights, justice and development of the people and countries of the least developed world. 
32NAVDANYANavdanya defends Seed and Food sovereignty and small farmers around the world. Navdanya pioneered the movement of seed saving and seed freedom, which began in response to the crisis of erosion of agricultural biodiversity and introduction of GMOs and patents on seeds through intellectual property rights (IPRs) and so-called ‘free trade’ agreements. 
33Pacific Network on GlobalisationThe Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG) is a Pacific regional network promoting economic self-determination and justice in the Pacific Islands
34Public Services InternationalRepresenting 20 million public service workers in 160 countries.
35Society for International Development (SID)SID is an international network of individuals and organizations founded in 1957 to promote social justice and foster democratic participation in the development process.
36Southern and Eastern Africa Trade, Information and Negotiations Institute ( SEATINI)SEATINI is a sub regional NGO working to strengthen the capacity of stakeholders  to influence trade, tax and related policies and processes for improved livelihoods and sustained development in the region.   
37The Oakland InstituteThe Oakland Institute is an independent policy think tank, bringing fresh ideas and bold action to the most pressing social, economic, and environmental issues of our time. 
38The Rules FoundationThe Rules is a global network of activists, researchers, writers, coders and others focused on addressing the root causes of inequality, poverty and climate change. 
39THIRD WORLD NETWORK-AFRICAThird World Network-Africa is a Pan-African Organisation working on economic issues at the global and regional levels that impact on Africa's development 
40ULEPICCEl objetivo de ULEPICC es abordar las transformaciones de las industrias culturales y las formas de poder, acceso y control de la información, la cultura y el conocimiento.
41Union Africaine des ONG de Dévelloppement (UAOD)UAOD est une organisatio traitant tous les objectifs du développement durable y compris un volet sur le commerce.
42UNIÓN UNIVERSAL DESARROLLO SOLIDARIODerechos de los aborígenes, formación y desarrollo de las personas....
43WIDE+ (Women In Development Europe+)WIDE+ is a Europe-based network of gender and feminist specialists, women’s rights advocates, activists, researchers and women’s rights and development organizations. 

 

 

 

National Organizations 

 

 

44Amigos de la Tierra ArgentinaArgentina
45Confederación de Trabajadores MunicipalesArgentina
46CTA AutónomaArgentina
47FAECYSArgentina
48Foro Ciudadano de Participación por la Justicia y los Derechos HumanosArgentina
49Fundación Vía LibreArgentina
50INSTITUTO DE ESTUDIOS SOBRE ESTADO Y PARTICIÓN-ATEArgentina
51Instituto del Mundo del TrabajoArgentina
52Australian Council of Trade UnionsAustralia
53Australian Fair Trade and Investment NetworkAustralia
54Community and Public Sector Union (State Public Services Federation)Australia
55New South Wales Nurses and Midwives Association (ANMF NSW)Australia
56Union Aid Abroad - APHEDAAustralia
57Attac AustriaAustria
58NeSoVe / Network for Social ResponsibilityAustria
59Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio & CommBangladesh
60COAST TustBangladesh
61SETUBangladesh
62VOICEBangladesh
63Afrique Performance (AFRIPERF)Benin
64Fundación Internet Bolivia.orgBolivia
65Centar za životnu sredinu/ Friends of the Earth Bosnia and HerzegovinaBosnia and Herzegovina
66Central Única dos Trabalhadores - CUT BrasilBrazil
67CSPB Confederacao dos Servidores Publicos do BrasilBrazil
68FÓRUM MUDANÇAS CLIMÁTICAS E JUSTIÇA SOCIAL - FMCJSBrazil
69GestosBrazil
70Instituto Justiça FiscalBrazil
71Jubileu Sul BrasilBrazil
72REBRIP - Brazilian Network for the Integration of PeoplesBrazil
73UGT - UNIÃO GERAL DOS TRABALHADORESBrazil
74IDEACambodia
75Cameroon women development networkCameroon
76ATTAC QuébecCanada
77Common FrontiersCanada
78Public Service Alliance of CanadaCanada
79Trade Justice NetworkCanada
80ONG POLITICAS FARMACEUTICASChile
81ADEA ColombiaColombia
82Asociación Ambiente y SociedadColombia
83federacion de vocales de control region centro y bogotaColombia
84FUNDACION DE LA MANO CONTIGOColombia
85Observatorio de VíctimasColombia
86Proceso de Comunidades Negras en Colombia. PCNColombia
87A.N.P.E.Costa Rica
88Patria JustaCosta Rica
89CAPITULO CUBA DE LA RED DE INTELECTUALES, ARTISTAS Y LUCHADORES SOCIALES EN DEFENSA DE LA HUMANIDADCuba
90Ecumenical AcademyCzech Republic
91NOAH Friends of the Earth DenmarkDenmark
92CONFEFERACION NACIONAL DE UNIDAD SINDICAL (CNUS)Dominican Republic
93PACODEVIDR Congo
94Centro de Documentación en Derechos Humanos "Segundo Montes Mozo S.J."Ecuador
95FEDAEPSEcuador
96Jubileo 2000 Red EcuadorEcuador
97Red Mujeres Transformando la Economia - REMTEEcuador
98CESTA Amigos de la TierraEl Salvador
99CESTA, amigos de la Tierra El SalvadorEl Salvador
100Colegio de Profesionales en Ciencias Económicas de El Salvador COLPROCE.El Salvador
101Pro Ethical Trade Finland (Eettisen kaupan puolesta ry)Finland
102SNESUP-FSUFrance
103Kirchliche Arbeitsstelle Südliches Afrika (KASA)Germany
104PowerShift e.V.Germany
105Friends of the Earth GhanaGhana
106Health services workers Union of tuc GhanaGhana
107PIGOP GHANA LIMITEDGhana
108CECIDEGuinée
109Alliance for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture (ASHA)India
110AP vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, IndiaIndia
111Centre for Learning - SecunderabadIndia
112Codefuel Technology Pvt LtdIndia
113Federation of Indian Micro and Small & Medium Enterprises (FISME)India
114Gene CampaignIndia
115Hazards CentreIndia
116Indian Social Action ForumIndia
117INITIATIVE FOR HEALTH &EQUITY IN SOCIETYIndia
118Intercultural ResourcesIndia
119IT for ChangeIndia
120National Working Group on Patent Laws and WTO, IndiaIndia
121sunray harvestersIndia
122Tamilnadu Organic Farmers FederationIndia
123ToxicsWatch JournalIndia
124Resistance and Alternatives to Globalization (RAG)Indonesia
125FÍS NUAIreland
126Galway One World CentreIreland
127KEEP IRELAND FRACKING FREEIreland
128FairwatchItaly
129ONItaly
130Pacific Asia Resource Center (PARC)Japan
131Phenix Center for Sustainble DevelopmentJordan
132Growth Partners AfricaKenya
133Kenya Small Scale Farmers Forum KESSFFKenya
134Lebanon SupportLebanon
135Stop TAFTA LuxembourgLuxembourg
136PFNOSCM (Plate Forme Nationale des Organisations de la Société Civile de Madagascar)Madagascar
137Consumers Association of Penang, MalaysiaMalaysia
138Sahabat Alam MalaysiaMalaysia
139Initiative agricole pour le Sahel (IAS)Mali
140IRPAD/AfriqueMali
141ONG ASRAD-MALIMali
142RMASMauritania
143association des Consommateurs de l'ile Maurice-ACIMMauritius
144National Trade Union ConfederationMauritius
145Bia`lii, Asesorìa e Investigaciòn, A.C.Mexico
146CENTRO DE PROMOCIÓN Y EDUCACIÓN PROFESIONAL vASCO DE qUIROGAMexico
147Grupo TacubaMexico
148CEFIMACMexico
149RMALCMexico
150Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de MéxicoMexico
151CEMOMozambique
152CAFSO-WRAG for DevelopmentNigeria
153nauru island association of ngosNauru
154Both ENDSNetherlands
155Platform Aarde Boer ConsumentNetherlands
156SOMONetherlands
157It's Our Future (NZ)New Zealand
158New Zealand Council of Trade Unions Te Kauae KaimahiNew Zealand
159New Zealand Public Service AssociationNew Zealand
160CEDECAMNicaragua
161FETSALUDNicaragua
162Movimiento Comunal NicaraguenseNicaragua
163Association Nigérienne des Scouts de l'Environnement (ANSEN)Niger
164RODADDHDNiger
165Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change ResearchNigeria
166Labour,Health and Human Rights Develpoment CentreNigeria
167NANTSNigeria
168Nigeria Private Sector Alliance (NiPSA)Nigeria
169Attac NorwayNorway
170Internet Policy Observatory PakistanPakistan
171NOOR PAKISTANPakistan
172Roots for EquityPakistan
173Prrograma BrujulaPanamá
174PICISOCPapua New Guinea
175Espacio Literario Jueves de poesía y narrativa.Peru
176FENTAPPeru
177Red Peruana de Comercio Justo y Consumo ÉticoPeru
178Center for Trade Union and Human RightsPhilippines
179Computer Professionals' UnionPhilippines
180Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU)Philippines
181WomanHealth PhilippinesPhilippines
182Attac PolandPoland
183Fundacja Strefa ZieleniPoland
184Ole Siosiomaga Society, SAMOASamoa
185AFRICAINE DE RECHERCHE ET DE COOPERATION POUR L'APPUI AU DEVELOPPEMENT ENDOGENE (ARCADE)Senegal
186Institute for Economic JusticeSouth Africa
187Institute for Economic Research on InnovationSouth Africa
188Siyafunda Community Technology CentreSouth Africa
189Southern & East African Trade Institute (SEATINI) - South AfricaSouth Africa
190The Alternative Information & Development CentreSouth Africa
191Amigos de la TierraSpain
192Ecologistas en AcciónSpain
193EMA-RTVSpain
194FSC-CCOOSpain
195National Free Trade UnionSri Lanka
196National Free Trade UnionSri Lanka
197We Women LankaSri Lanka
198Association for Proper Internet GovernanceSwitzerland
199Attac Suisse/SchweizSwitzerland
200Cartel intersyndical du personnel de l'Etat et du secteur subventionnéSwitzerland
201Public EyeSwitzerland
202Stop TiSA - GenèveSwitzerland
203Syndicat ADETRASwitzerland
204Governance Links TanzaniaTanzania
205Pangani Information AllianceTanzania
206La'o Hamutuk, Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and AnalysisTimor-Leste
207GAREDTogo
208Humanitaire Plus (Togo)Togo
209Support for Women in Agriculture and Environment (SWAGEN)Uganda
210Women’s Probono InitiativeUganda
211Bretton Woods ProjectUnited Kingdom
212Global Justice NowUnited Kingdom
213War on WantUnited Kingdom
214Alliance for DemocracyUnited States
215Citizens Trade CampaignUnited States
216CODEPINKUnited States
217Friends of the CongoUnited States
218Global ExchangeUnited States
219Institute for Policy Studies, Global Economy ProjectUnited States
220Occidental Arts and Ecology CenterUnited States
221Public CitizenUnited States
222Sisters of Charity FederationUnited States
223Student Action with FarmworkersUnited States
224Trade Justice AllianceUnited States
225United Nations Association of Greater PhiladelphiaUnited States
226Washington Fair Trade CoalitionUnited States
227Agrupación 19 de Octubre, trabajadores de las TelecomunicacionesUruguay
228REDES-Amigos de la Tierra (FoE) UruguayUruguay
229Vanuatu Association of Non Government OrganisationVanuatu
230Vanuatu Human Rights CoalitionVanuatu
231Coalición de Tendencia Clasista (CTC-VZLA)Venezuela

 

 

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